By Crispin Black
How may possibly a second of triumph concerning the Olympic Bid become a disaster? those poor occasions stick with at the carrying on with revelations that the intelligence experiences that have been the government's foundation for the invasion of Iraq have been deeply wrong and the new admission by way of the Ministry of Defence that it didn't foresee the dimensions and ferocity of the Iraq insurgency. anything is particularly fallacious in how Britain collects and analyses intelligence. In "7-7: What Went Wrong?", Crispin Black exhibits that basic flaws in our present method of calibrating and knowing the terrorist possibility -- an unwillingness for example to tackle board the consequences of our overseas coverage on loyalty at domestic and a normally slack method of border safeguard have produced a poisonous chance to nationwide safety. Taken all jointly there's the uncomfortable suspicion that rather than collecting intelligence, their objective is to delight their masters. In his compelling and authoritative research, Black indicates the...
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We know that members of a police firearms unit shot eleven bullets at close range (three missed) while restraining and pushing Mr de Menezes to the ground. If he had been a suicide bomber the three agents would now be celebrated as heroes. But we know that Mr de Menezes, a Catholic, was nothing of the kind. On the admission of the police, he did not behave, look, or was previously suspected of being an extremist. Yet somehow, after having being tagged by mistake as a potential terrorist, the fatal mistake seems to have stuck.
Whichever way you turn it, the system failed—fatally. We were but fortunate that the attack was relatively small. Putting aside the question of whether Siddique Khan’s peripheral connection to the March 2004 bomb plot discovered as part of Operation Crevice could have been turned into specific intelligence, the error in this case appears to stem from a misappreciation of the extent to which the aims and aspirations of international terrorists have penetrated into small elements of the UK’s domestic Muslim population.
When an analyst honestly dissents from the majority view or argues against a widely accepted assessment their position is never in question. They may be subjected to argument to modify their views but never pressure or what Lord Butler called in his report on intelligence and Iraq ‘strain’. Groupthink exists to an extent in any organisation, and it existed and exists within our intelligence and security services, too. The relevant question is therefore what it is, and whether such groupthink is actively encouraged, and whether it might have been a contributory factor in the run up to the bombings of 7 and 21 July, and so, crucially, whether it blunted both our analytical and operational capabilities and formed a serious threat to our security.