By Mark A. Stoler
In the course of international conflict II the uniformed heads of the U.S. armed companies assumed a pivotal and unparalleled function within the formula of the nation's international rules. prepared quickly after Pearl Harbor because the Joint Chiefs of employees, those participants have been formally accountable just for the nation's army forces. in the course of the conflict their capabilities got here to surround a bunch of overseas coverage issues, besides the fact that, and so strong did the army voice develop into on these matters that simply the president exercised a extra decisive position of their outcome.Drawing on resources that come with the unpublished documents of the Joint Chiefs in addition to the warfare, army, and nation Departments, Mark Stoler analyzes the wartime upward thrust of army impact in U.S. overseas coverage. He specializes in the evolution of and debates over U.S. and Allied worldwide technique. within the approach, he examines army fears relating to America's significant allies--Great Britain and the Soviet Union--and how these fears affected President Franklin D. Roosevelt's rules, interservice and civil-military kin, military-academic family, and postwar nationwide safeguard coverage in addition to wartime procedure.
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Extra resources for Allies and Adversaries: The Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Grand Alliance, and U.S. Strategy in World War II
When his defensive alternatives were rejected he fulﬁlled a previous threat to go public by openly associating with Frederick J. Libby’s National Council for the Prevention of War. He also supported the Ludlow Amendment to require a national referendum for war, corresponded with and advised such isolationist leaders as Senator William Borah of Idaho, and attacked both navy and civilian ofﬁcials who favored a tough Anglo-American stance against Axis aggression in Europe and the Far East. Such individuals, he wrote in April 1939 to Brigadier General George C.
Indeed, army members of the jpc denied that the public considered Guam and the Philippines to be vital interests worthy or any longer capable of being defended. S. ’’ 58 No such indication or understanding from Roosevelt was forthcoming, however, and the jb thus responded in early May by ordering the jpc to prepare a new set of war plans, appropriately named rainbow, to cover virtually every possible strategic response to a combined Axis attack. Each plan was to assume the neutrality of Britain, France, and Latin America yet simultaneously clarify the ‘‘speciﬁc cooperation’’ desired from each and provide for the ‘‘alternative situations’’ that would develop if the United States received such cooperation.
This would lead Washington to join the Allied coalition and, because the Atlantic remained secure, project its power into the western Paciﬁc— either immediately (rainbow 2) or from the eastern Paciﬁc ‘‘as rapidly as circumstances permit’’ (rainbow 3). ’’ 1 24 n ew s t r at e g i e s a n d p o l i c i e s Three of the ﬁve revised rainbow plans would thus be based on the United States ﬁghting as a member of a coalition and projecting its forces outside the hemisphere. Whether, when, and in which direction it would project those forces remained open questions, however, with the answers partially dependent on the plans and military performance of its potential allies.